Mold Cape

Mold Cape

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In 1833, workmen digging a prehistoric mound at Bryn yr Ellyllon (Fairies' or Goblins' Hill) discovered a unique golden cape, which dates from 1900-1600 BC, in the Bronze Age. The cape weighed 20 oz and was produced from a single gold ingot about the size of a golf ball.

The cape was broken when found and the fragments were shared out among the workmen, the largest piece going to Mr Langford, tenant of the field in which the mound stood.

The find was recorded by the Vicar of Mold and came to the notice of the British Museum. In 1836 Langford sold his piece to the Museum and subsequently most of the pieces were recovered, though there is a tradition that the wives of some of the workmen sported new jewellery after the find. Restored, the cape now forms one of the great treasures of the British Museum in London. [1] [2]

Mold Gold Cape on display at Wrexham Museum

The Mold Gold Cape, thought to have been a woman's, was last shown at Wrexham Museum in 2005, when it attracted 11,500 visitors in 12 weeks.

It was made about 3,700 years ago from a single sheet of gold.

Also on show is the 4,000-year-old "Lady of Llong" necklace, made of shale and jet, discovered close to where the cape was buried.

The cape is one of the British Museum's most prized artefacts, but it has been loaned out and was displayed in Cardiff between July and early August.

John Gammond, of Wrexham County Borough Museum, said it was "amazing" to have the cape back in north east Wales.

"It's an iconic object in Wales, and especially this part of Wales," he added.

"It's one of the top 10 treasures in the British Museum, and when they drew up the list, number one was the Mold Cape.

"It's good to see it back. Last time, it came in a padded case. This time, it travelled business class - in a huge case, surrounded by beads so it could suffer no possible damage during transit."

The cape is being displayed on its own in a dark room within Wrexham Museum.

Also on show is a 4,000-year-old necklace discovered in the same valley, about two miles (roughly three kilometres) from the cape.

The "Lady of Llong" necklace, which consists of 788 beads and is made from jet and shale, is on loan from Mold Museum.

Until recently, it had never been re-strung as it would have been when it was made - believed to be somewhere between 200 BC and 1,900 BC.

Mr Gammond said: "Dr Alison Sheridan, who's president of the Historical Society, was at a conference in Cardiff about the Mold Cape, and she heard the necklace was coming here.

"She got in contact and said she could re-string it for us, tell us what it's made of and so on, and came to see us almost straight away.

"It now looks like it would have when it was placed in the grave. Before, it was just a jumble of beads."

Many of the beads are so small, Mr Gammond said toothpicks were used to handle them. There is also evidence that some of the necklace components had been re-used, he said.

Dr Alison Sheridan, of National Museums Scotland, who re-created the necklace, said: "It would have been worn, fairly tightly strung, as a sort of choker.

"The beads would have extended to just behind the ears of an adult woman, with bare thread continuing to the back of the neck."

She said the necklace currently contains 788 disc beads, but it is thought some are missing and it would have originally contained 954.

The cape will be shown in Wrexham from 7 August to 14 September, 2013.

The Gold Cape, Mold

The Gold Cape, Wrexham Street, Mold

This pub is named after one of the most remarkable artefacts to survive from Bronze Age Britain (c.4000 BC to 1000 BC). The Mold cape is at the British Museum in London. You can see a copy of it at the Mold museum, a stone&rsquos throw away from the pub in Earl Road (see the green pin on our map below).

Quarrymen discovered the fragmented cape in 1833, while excavating stone from an ancient burial mount known as Bryn yr Ellyllon (&ldquoHill of the Fiends&rdquo or &ldquoHill of the Elves&rdquo). This is beside the A541 Chester Road (yellow pin on our map).
To hear how to pronounce Bryn yr Ellyllon, press play: Your browser does not support the audio element. Or, download mp3 (18KB)

The vicar of Mold recorded what was found in the stone-lined grave in the burial mound. There were fragments of gold, and of the bones of the person who wore the cape for burial. There were also bronze strips and amber beads.

The finders kept the fragments of gold. The local landowner kept most of them and sold them in 1836 to the British Museum, which managed to acquire other fragments later.

We now know that the cape was made by hammering a single gold ingot into a sheet which was then decorated with patterns of ribs and hubs. It probably had a leather lining, and the bronze strips provided further reinforcement. The object would have been too heavy for normal use and was probably a ceremonial symbol of authority.

It wasn&rsquot until the pieces were reassembled in the 1960s that the cape&rsquos form could be appreciated. A new piece was made to fill the largest gap, at the bottom of the front. Leftover fragments revealed that a smaller gold object, with matching décor, had also been placed in the grave.

Location: Mold, Flintshire, North Wales
Culture: Early People
Period: About 1900-1600 BC
Material: Metal

This gold cape was originally found in a grave in North Wales. It has been crafted from a single gold ingot beaten to a breathtakingly thin sheet. We do not know who wore the cape but it could only fit a slim woman or child. Whoever wore it must also have possessed great power and wealth. This wealth may have been generated by the nearby Great Orme - the largest copper mine in north-west Europe. This would have been a major trading centre for prehistoric communities.

How did people live in Bronze Age Britain?

When this gold cape was made people in Britain did not live in permanent villages, nor did they build cities or palaces. Bronze Age Britons lived in socially fluid communities moving with their herds and possessions through the landscape, burying their dead in round barrows. Despite not living in cities or a state they were capable of creating incredibly sophisticated objects like the Mold Gold Cape. Individual communities were connected by an extensive trade network that spanned north-west Europe.

Testing for CIRS and Mold

DrMR: I think that’s fair. Okay, one of the things that I think is a quandary many clinicians struggle with is, how to find an accurate objective measure. In my chief area of focus, GI, you see that there are tests available and I think we have pretty darn good data here. So in GI, I think we’re much more fortunate than you are in CIRS and in Lyme. Even in the GI camp, where the data’s fairly robust, there’s still not the ability to look at a lab test with high confidence and correlate that to a condition a patient may have, or to predict, if they’re treated for a given lab marker, that that will have a positive predictive value in terms of how likely someone is to respond.

So I ask this question understanding that there’s not an easy answer, but it is such an important aspect. How do we try to get a read on this objectively? Or perhaps, you go on this more empirically and subjectively? But how are you looking at testing to help elucidate some of this?

DrKM: Great question. Again, Dr. Shoemaker had a whole series of inflammatory markers and unusual hormone tests that many practitioners looked at for years, myself included. Then there were problems with getting some of the testing done. It had to be sent on ice, etc, etc. So I really moved away from utilizing a lot of his CIRS markers. There are a couple that I think could hold some value, such as transforming growth factor beta one. But it has to be processed at Cambridge Biomedical. It can’t be processed at other places. So it’s still a little problematic.

I have turned more to using urine mycotoxin testing, recognizing that that has some challenges as well. We are looking at an excretion test in urine mycotoxin testing, meaning that the patient has to be capable of excreting these mycotoxins. In very, very sick patients, I have found that their ability to excrete is diminished. So we can look at a marginal test, and it’s not that they’re not exposed, or have a high burden of these mycotoxins. They just can’t get rid of them. So we have to take that with a grain of salt when we’re interpreting them. But at this moment in time, it really does appear that these mycotoxin urine tests are probably the best thing, in addition to a good history, that I have, to really identify the problem in the person. And then I’m asking patients to do some testing in their homes, or have a professional inspector come out and take a look also.

DrMR: Is there a certain test or lab in particular that you’re using for the urine mycotoxins?

DrKM: There are two primary mycotoxin tests out there now. There’s Great Plains, which has a mycotoxin test. I should say, neither of these tests are covered by commercial insurance. The older test that’s been around longer is the RealTime lab test. That one is actually covered by Medicare. So I do tend to order it on my Medicare patients. It costs $699, if it’s not covered. The Great Plains test is $299. I think perhaps Vibrant Health might be offering a mycotoxin test, but I haven’t used that at all yet. Then there’s another company called TEC Biosciences, that is hoping to offer a mycotoxin test soon. That company will also be doing environmental toxicant testing.

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DrMR: Regarding the history, as an example, in IBS research, we do have validated IBS questionnaires. I know there are some general environmental toxin questionnaires. Do we have the luxury of having some type of validated CIRS or mold exposure symptom inventory that we can use with patients?

DrKM: There was a CIRS symptom questionnaire that some of the original Shoemaker docs developed. I can’t say that it’s validated and so…

DrMR: You don’t find it valuable?

DrKM: I find it valuable when I’m doing a review of systems, if they have a lot of symptomatology. Then I’m asking more questions about home, etc. But we don’t really have a validated questionnaire, no.

DrMR: Okay. Well, hopefully one day, someone will have that… What about the ERMI test? That’s something that Jill Carnahan mentioned when she was on. Have you fooled around with that at all?

DrKM: I have. I do encourage my patients to utilize an ERMI test. I know that there is some controversy amongst the indoor environmental professionals on whether an ERMI test is a valid test or not. I happen to like having a number. But a test is only as good as the sample. So for example, if you’re doing the cloth test, you’re collecting dust in your living room, and the water damage is in the kitchen, and they’re on opposite sides of the house, you might have a falsely low ERMI score and make the assumption that it’s not a problem. So collecting the dust, whether it’s with a vacuum, or the cloth, and then being able to interpret the information that you’re getting back, can be a little tricky.

ERMI tests are not inexpensive and they add up. Then getting a decent mold inspector in there also can be very pricey. Part of the reason that I prefer the ERMI is because I’ve just had such frustrating results from indoor environmental people doing exclusive air testing and saying, “Oh, the place is fine.” The mold tends to be very heavy, particularly Stachy , and it’s not floating around in the middle of the room: it’s behind the wall, it’s on the floor, it’s behind the wall where the pipes are usually, if that’s where the problem is originating from. So doing an air test is not helpful and an ERMI might be more helpful.

DrMR: That’s good to know. Any other tests that you like? Or does that take us through the list?

DrKM: Getting a mold inspector in, somebody who’s actually willing to look behind the wall, I find the most useful. Somebody can also do that too with an ERMI, where they take the plate off a light switch or an electrical outlet, and swab inside the electrical outlet with their cloth, which should be contiguous with the inner part of the wall. That might be more useful. A HERTSMI test is a condensed version of the ERMI test. The ERMI is 26 bad molds and 10 good molds, and you get a score. The HERTSMI test is just five “bad” molds and it’s generally half the price. So sometimes people will do the HERTSMI.

Ashengate North Event: Lethar the Black

Lethar's Breath of Corruption: Directional [frontal] 500', (-50 Corruption)
1: Decrease HP when cast by 8000
2: Decrease Hitpoints by 800 per tick
3: Decrease Agro Multiplier by 10%
4: Increase corruption counter by 16

Shadow of Lethar: PB AE 2000', (-50 Corruption)
1: Decrease HP when cast by 8000
2: Decrease Hitpoints by 800 per tick

If your fight takes too long, he will AE one of two DT triggers on everyone. Who gets which spell is random.

Doom Shadow: Single Target, Unresistable (-1000 Corruption)
1: Improved Spell Effect(Doom Shadow Trigger)
2: Increase corruption counter by 4

Doom Shadow must be cured by single-target corruption cure spells. If it is not cured, the inflicted player will receive a death touch.

Sunset's Shadow: Single Target, Unresistable (-1000 Corruption)
1: Increase Max Hitpoints by 20000
2: Increase HP when cast by 20000
3: Increase corruption counter by 4

Sunset's Shadow should NOT be cured. Instead, someone inflicted with this spell should have their health topped off. Doing so will allow them to survive the spell "Setting Sun" which will land soon after Sunset's Shadow.

Setting Sun: Single Target, Unresistable (-1000)
1: Decrease Hitpoints by 32000

You will also have adds to contend with. Upon aggro'ing Lethar, he will spawn a number of drakes. (Note that while Lethar is rooted in place, the adds are not and do not have a tether range.)

A lotus breath drake casts:

Cone of Sweet Breath: Directional 500', Cold (-500)
1: Decrease Mana by 1000

The fleshrender drake and monitor drake are pure melee.

At 75%, Lethar will become inactive and move down the hallway, re-activating shortly after (this resets aggro, so watch out).

Lethar growls, 'What precisely is your goal? Are you here to seek fortune or power? Raid our war supplies and pillage the temple's artifacts? Perhaps even claim the right to the Scale for yourself?'

At 50%, he does the same thing.

Lethar growls, 'Or maybe you wish to topple this empire, eh? A bold but futile move. Even if you were able to stop my son Dyn`leth, our people and our army would live on. You can never eradicate us.'

At this point, a mirrorscale drake spawns. This drake is unattackable and will move to different locations around Lethar. Lethar must be kept facing AWAY from the drake. If he is facing the drake when his frontal AE goes off, the drake will reflect it onto the rest of the raid.

At 25%, he moves to his final position.

Lethar growls, 'Wait . . . Selay sent you, didn't she? That broken wretch has no idea what she's done.'

At about 5%, he will AE a blind and disappear.

Lethar disappears from view, 'Another time, mortals.'

A chest called "Artifacts of the Reliquary" spawns containing the event's loot.

Loot includes 1 Mark of Ashengate + 2 Glowing Obsidian Runes + 2 Timeworn Armor Molds (first list) + 2 items (second list) + a chance of Serpent's Essence (for cultural augmentations):

A Timeworn Armguard Mold
A Timeworn Boot Mold
A Timeworn Bracer Mold
A Timeworn Glove Mold
A Timeworn Skullcap Mold

The 3-inch Fenton Daisy and Button Hat are sometimes sold as toothpick holders, bud vases, or "whimsies." The pattern on the vase is called "Daisy Button," made of hobstars and starbursts. You can find these vases selling online for $10 to $30. The highest-priced ones are made of a mix of transparent and opaque glass and were made circa 1910.


On Friday, 11 October 1833, workmen employed in raising gravel for road repairs near to where the present day Mold Rugby Clubhouse stands dug into a small hillock and disturbed an ancient grave. Amongst the various items retrieved from a stone-like coffin or cistfaen was a ceremonial dress of bronze and sheet-gold that historians have since variously referred to as : breast-plate, cape, cloak, corslet, peytrel and tippet. This archaeological exhibit has been acclaimed as ‘one of the largest and heaviest pieces of prehistoric gold-work so far discovered in Europe, and …. one of the principal treasures in the collection of prehistoric antiquities in the British Museum for more than a century.

The unearthing of a skeleton of ‘above the ordinary stature’ from the same burial prompted the scholar Dr.William Owen Pugh to hail it as the resting place of Benlli the Giant,[1] who supposedly had a fortress at Moel Fenlli on the Clwydian Hills, and whose son Beli is reputed to be buried in Cilcain parish.[2] Although Benlli’s name had not been previously associated with this particular tumulus the deduction reached a century and a half ago fitted in remarkably well with an existing oral tradition. By sheer coincidence numerous eye-witness accounts spanning many years prior to the discovery, vouched to the occasional appearance of a spectral golden giant standing upon the mound. Sightings of this apparition had deterred women and children from crossing Cae Bryn Ellyllon at night why a certain female began to throw fits, another become crazy, and why a drunkard was scared into sobriety.[3] The feature dug into, Bryn-yr-ellyllon, has been popularly translated as ‘goblins’ hill’ but in view of the above observations perhaps we should not entirely discount the alternative possibility of ‘false gods, idols, spectres’ for ‘ellyllon’?

Let us now consider the archaeological evidence associated with the burial.

Firstly, the tumulus ‘is one of a group of some eight or a dozen sites strung along the middle course of the river Alun, and this group is to be distinguished from the much denser concentration of tumuli on the limestone plateau’ to the north. Its single-grave inhumation places it within the Early Bronze Age period, verified by the discovery of a beaker buried with it.

According to a contemporary report the larger protective stones surrounding the burial comprised of boulders. Whereas this might have been true to some extent there is a distinct possibility that it wasn’t the case with the cistfaen. Today the sole surviving stone from it forms the first of a flight of steps that ascend the motte on Bailey Hill. It is a smooth-cut rectangular block. Another, now lost, was considered regular enough in shape to be installed as a doorstep in New Street. Since the tomb builders were near-con tern poranes of those who raised Stonehenge finding such dressed stonework is not a remarkable achievement. The Early Bronze Age is reckoned to have spanned the period 2300-1200BC, while the most detailed study of the cape to date (carried out forty years ago), narrows the time down to 1350-1250BC.

Experts have relied a little on fact and a great deal upon speculation in drawing their conclusions regarding what is now accepted to be a ceremonial short cape or tippet. For instance, they consider it to have been beaten from one large ingot with its pattern punched in. At the lower end rivetted-in bronze strips acted as strengthener. If the amateur observations of the early nineteenth century are accurate then the cape was worn over a leather, cloth or serge foundation garment. And as it bears evidence of repair work is unlikely to have been new when internment took place. It is a shame really that no ‘ sound pottery’, and only one amber bead (out of about 300 found), have survived. Their form and decoration would have most probably enabled us to identify the cultural milieu from which they originated – and subsequently – provide us with a more reliable means of dating the gold. Amber appears frequently in Bronze Age burials and suggest a trade link with the Baltic such as was the case with the Wessex Culture of southern England. There is no evidence of amber from Irish graves of the same period but on the other hand the goldsmith’s craft was well-established there in the Early Bronze Age. The most authoritative account up to now, however, prefers an European origin to the gold cape, or alternatively, an itinerant craftsman from the north of the Continent.[4]

There are insurmountable problems when it comes to linking the cape with the legendary Benlli Gawr. Firstly, we have no knowledge of the languages spoken in these islands during the second millennium BC. Linguistic scholars suspect the inflow of Celts did not begin until the Iron Age (between c.700 and 300BC) but there is no concensus on the matter. The point is an important one since the name Benlli is of Celtic origin, possibly Irish, and appears first in the early eighth century Historia Brittonum as that borne by a king who occupied a citidal destroyed by St.Germanus de Auxerre, and equated locally with Moel Fenlli ‘Benlli’s bald topped hill’. So far, neither the incident nor St.Germanus’s presence in north-east Wales have been satisfactorily proven. [5] However, the important point in this instance is that St.Germanus did actually visit these shores in 429AD and 447AD possibly as attempts to re-assert Roman authority (?),[6] providing us with a fifth centurydate for Benlli. That is, if St.Germanus can be equated with St.Garmon of ‘ Alleluhia Battle’ fame. According to specialists the Welsh form Garmon cannot develop philologically from Germanus. The true rendering would be Gerfon ‘loud bellow’, which fits in well with the loud shouting that supposidly brought victory to the Britons at Maes Garmon. Benlli appears in Welsh literature as a semi-mythical character. If he did exist, then his Gawr designation referred to his large physical stature ‘giant’, as opposed to ‘ great’ to highlight his achievements. It is unlikely that anyone would call their enemy great for his military prowess.

The alleged happenings occurred at the beginning of a period in history dubbed the Dark Ages because facts and tangible evidence relating to it are scant. On the positive side, archaeology provides proof that by the time the Romans left Britain in 410AD some of the hilltop forts had already been re-inhabited by Goidelic tribes.
Moel Fenlli was one of them [7], and from what one can discern, Benlli was their principal leader. However, a problem we are faced with is that most of this information comes from literature compiled some three hundred years after the events took place, and is presented in the form of a fanciful narrative, full of Biblical overtones and magical happenings.

Some of the Welsh geneologies place the establishing of the Powys dynasty at about mid-fifth century AD, the individual responsible being Cadell Deyrnllwg.[8] He appears in one of these tales as the person who deposed Benlli of his seignorial position. But,westwards of Moel Fenlli, that achievement is accredited to St.Cynhafael who had recently settled in Dyffryn Clwyd. Basing his poem on an alternative story, the early sixteenth century poet Gruffydd ab leuan ap Llywelyn Fychan of Llannerch related how the holy man brought about Benlli’s death through drowning in the Hafhesb stretch of the river Alun [9] as opposed to the fireball ending he alledgedly suffered at the hands of St.Germanus.[1O] Both folklore narratives are localized a characteristic of Dark Age based accounts. The oral tradition associated with this scene incorporates neighbourhood place-names in order to familiarise the listener with the proceedings. For example, Moel Fenlli and nearby Llys Fenlli remind us of Benlli Gawr while in close proximity, each side of the mountain, are Llangynhafal and Llanarmon-y-Ial, consecrated to St.Cynhafael and St.Garmon respectively.

Benlli Gawr, therefore, belonged to the fifth century AD and could not have been the chieftain buried at Bryn-yr-ellyllon in the Alun Valley. Furthermore, the time-span between the two burials could have been as much as 1800 years! In other words, the gold ceremonial cape is over 3,000 years old – and priceless.

It is time to ammend the plaque incorporated into the wall in Chester Road denoting the discovery site.

1. The wording on the present plaque (1923) is less dogmatic,’ …possibly the grave of Benlli Gawr, a British Prince.’
2. A Welsh Triad of the Grave reads : ‘Pieu yr beddyn y Maes Mawr?
Batch ei law ar y lafnawr,
Bedd Beli ab Benlli Gawr.
(‘ Whose grave is on Maes Mawr (Great Meadow)? With proud hand on his sword,’ tis the grave of Beli son of Benlli Gawr.’)
3. E.Davies, The Prehistoric ana’Roman Flintshire (Denbigh 1949), 256-61.
4. T.E. G.Powell, ‘The Gold Ornament from Mold, Flintshire, North Wales’, Proceedings of the Prelusloric Society, 19(1953), 161-79 ‘Trial Excavations at Bryn Ellyllon, Mold’, Flintshire Historical Society Publication, 15(1954-5), 149.
5. K.Lloyd Gruffydd,’Garmon and the “Alleluhia Battle”,’ Buckley, 10( 1985), 34-43.
6. M.P.Charlesworth, The Lost Province or The Worth of Britain (Chichester 1949), 37.
7. J.Morris, Tlie Age of Arthur : Vol.1., Roman Britain and the Empire of Arthur (Chichester 1977), 64.
8. The inscription of the Eliseg Pillar near Valle Crucis Abbey, Llangollen., names Gwrtheyrn (Vortingern) as the one who established the dynasty. Whichever claim (if any) be correct, it should be noted that Gwrtheyrn was contemporary with Benlli and Cadell.
9. S.Baring Gould & J.Fisher, The Lives of the British Saints (1908), II, 254-6.
10. J.Morris(ed.), Nennius : British History and the Welsh Annals (Chichester 1980), 26-7,61., where Benlli is described as a wicked king and tyrant ( rex iniquus alque tyrannus ) .
I rather suspect that the Caeaur ‘ gold field’ adjacent to Bryn yr ellyllon was so named because of the buttercups or rape that grew in it as opposed to an association with the gold cape

Copyright of articles
published in Ystrad Alun lies with the Mold Civic Society and individual contributors.
Contents and opinions expressed therein
remains the responsibility of individual authors.


Settled in 1637 and incorporated in 1639, Sandwich is the oldest town on Cape Cod. Originally settled by the English, Sandwich became an agricultural community, the main export of which was timber sent back to England. Even during the American Revolution, it remained a primarily agrarian community, supplemented by coastal fishing. But in 1825, the landscape of Sandwich would drastically change because of Deming Jarves, a Boston businessman and former agent of the New England Glass Company of East Cambridge, Massachusetts.

Deming Jarves

Deming Jarves, the principal founder and manager of the Boston & Sandwich Glass Company, did not choose Sandwich as a site for the glass factory because of the beach sand that was readily available. Beach sand is too impure to make glass, which requires pure quartz silica. The Company shipped in pure silica supplies first from New Jersey and New York, and later from the Berkshire Hills in western Massachusetts.

Jarves chose Sandwich because of its proximity to a shallow harbor and the possibility of a canal being built through Cape Cod that would allow for the shipment of goods. The local availability of timber could be used to fuel the glass furnaces. Even the salt marsh hay and grasses could be used for packing material.

Jarves brought master glassblowers with him from the New England Glass Company. He also recruited workers from England and Ireland. English and Irish glassmakers were considered the foremost craftsmen during the early 19th century. They were very skilled in making blown glassware with high lead content, the most desirable of the period.

Watch the video: The Mold Gold Cape, British Museum


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